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Economic and Political Reform in Africa: Anthropological Perspectives, by Peter D. Little
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What are the local effects of major economic and political reforms in Africa? How have globalized pro-market and pro-democracy reforms impacted local economics and communities? Examining case studies from The Gambia, Ghana, Mozambique, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Somalia, Peter D. Little shows how rural farmers and others respond to complex agendas of governments, development agencies, and non-governmental organizations. The book explores the contradictions between what policy reforms were supposed to do and what actually happened in local communities. Little’s bold vision of development challenges common narratives of African poverty, dependency, and environmental degradation and suggests that sustainable development in Africa can best be achieved by strengthening local livelihoods, markets, and institutions.
- Sales Rank: #1709175 in eBooks
- Published on: 2013-11-20
- Released on: 2013-11-20
- Format: Kindle eBook
Review
"The achievements in this book are multiple. Its diversity of ethnographic settings and field techniques, its historical depth, the bold injection of new ideas for the study of pastoralism, and the clear scope for comparative analysis all converge to bring home the message that encounters with neoliberalism must be described and analyzed in nuanced, site-specific contexts. The book will be a compelling read for anthropologists and development practitioners, including those less familiar with the African continent. The book's long gestation was worth the wait." ―American Anthropologist
"Economic and Political Reform in Africa is a fascinating and wide ranging treatment of neoliberal development policy in sub-Saharan Africa. This text should be required reading for anybody interested in African development, and would be of significant interest to anybody interested in neoliberal development in post-colonial settings." ―African Studies Bulletin
"This book is well written and the narratives are enlightening. It should be recommended reading for students of African development." ―International Social Science Review
"Brings sophisticated ethnographic attention to the 'unexpected changes and contradictions' within the gaps and spaces opened up by the 'reforms' of the past twenty years. It is a uniquely detailed empirical account of many activities, in many places, with varied international, national and local participants, all engaging at the interface of the terms of 'reform' and the lives and development prospects of the people." ―Jane Guyer, Johns Hopkins University
"This is a rich, informative book on extremely complicated processes in Africa.... Recommended." ―Choice
"Political and Economic Reform in Africa is a sharp and insightful book, offering the reader firsthand knowledge of the effects of neoliberal policies and donor-initiated development on rural farming and herding populations on the ground. The book’s examples are rich and detailed, and would well serve university courses in development and rural economy, but also in agencies carrying out development." ―African Studies Review
"Simply put, it's the most daring book I have read on African development." ―Abdi I. Samatar, University of Minnesota
About the Author
Peter D. Little is Professor and Chair of Anthropology and Director of the Program in Development Studies at Emory University.
Most helpful customer reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Analyzing the realities of reform policies in Africa - A far-reaching work for development practitioners, analysts, and critics
By D.K. Thompson
This volume represents Peter Little's work in numerous African contexts from Accra to Nairobi to Maputo over the past two decades. Little uses data and ethnographic research to show how market-oriented, "pro-poor," and democratic reforms have actually worked in society and in local economies, as well as how locals targeted as beneficiaries of economic reform or foreign aid programs perceive themselves, the programs, and the outcomes. Based on case studies in Ghana, the Gambia, Mozambique, Ethiopia, and Kenya (and the Somali borderlands), Little argues primarily that 1) despite the focus on "market liberalization", the state has been involved in neoliberal reform in Africa; 2) the extension of global markets into various African contexts has often disempowered smallholders and the poor; 3) democracy and "community empowerment" (including community conservation initiatives) have in many cases heightened communal/ethnic tensions; and 4) "pro-poor" development has in many cases served as justification for African states to pursue political agendas targeting certain elements of their populations.
Little takes a similar tack to James Ferguson's "Global Shadows" in that he approaches neoliberal globalization with a critical lens using a number of case studies; whereas Ferguson takes on a number of themes within this framework, Little focuses largely on economic reforms (with the exception of Chapter 4) and their specific effects on the livelihoods of certain groups (smallholder farmers, nomadic pastoralists, and petty traders, for the most part). Students and critics of development will do well to read this work and consider the relationship between reform agendas and the actual outcomes of development programs. As the book's main points are reached by analysis of somewhat disconnected individual case studies, I will outline the basic ideas of the case studies below. The work is best read as a whole, but in case you are interested in a specific aspect of development policy or a certain geographical region, read below to find out how this book may be applicable to your interests.
Chapter 1 compares contract farming in the non-traditional commodities sector - specifically, in fresh fruits and vegetables - in The Gambia and Ghana, showing how programs intended to benefit smallholder farmers eventually served to support the centralization of fresh fruit and vegetable production under a small number of export-oriented farms which dumped produce not fit for export into local markets, undercutting other local farmers. Smallholders in Ghana fared somewhat better than those in The Gambia due to World Bank and government support for Ghanaian cooperatives. Being somewhat of a visual learner, I find comparative studies that go back and forth like this somewhat disjointed and a bit confusing. However, the chapter did a good job of showing how pro-poor/smallholder development policies can actually increase local risk in an era of global markets, and also how the idea of sterile agricultural products of the perfect size and shape have come to rule consumption in the developed world.
In Chapter 2, Little demonstrates how economic reform in Mozambique reduced formal-sector employment, increased cheap imports, devalued currency, and aggravated food costs in Maputo, pushing many residents into petty trade. The outcomes were uneven, with some winners and some losers. This chapter mainly uses ethnography and local economic data to challenge the notion that informal microenterprise is an effective strategy for combatting poverty in Africa's cities. Having lived in South Africa and spent some time in economic research in Johannesburg and surrounding townships, as well as working in business development, I agree with Little that microenterprise is not, in general, truly effective for alleviating poverty on a large scale. However, I have also seen people who have stepped from being street hawkers to owning multiple businesses by being smart and creative with their resources (clearly the exception, not the norm). With that being said, the social and economic environment play a huge role, and Maputo's economy has encouraged more emigration to South Africa since Little's research was conducted, indicating that things have continued in the direction his research indicated.
Chapters 3 and 4 began to get more interesting for me. Chapter 3, titled "We Now Milk Elephants", will make you rethink wildlife conservation in Africa as Little shows the economic costs of communities becoming involved in community-based conservation efforts that provide international conservationists with the good feeling of helping save wild animals. Chapter 4 builds on a theme that begins to emerge in Chapter 3, focusing on the rise of identification with various indigenous cultures as a basis for claiming land and political representation. If you are interested in conservation or in democracy in Kenya, I highly recommend taking a look at these chapters. Little definitely seems to be more in his element in writing these chapters, which focus on the Il Chamus community of Kenya, in which he has done quite a lot of research. The in-depth analysis of political dynamics surrounding ethnicity and indigeneity are also very relevant to other cases in Africa - South Sudan comes to mind.
The politics of famine and food security have long been at the top of the development discourse. Chapter 5 shows how the Ethiopian government uses a discourse of food insecurity, distributions of food aid, and required participation in development projects to maintain control over rural populations in the Amhara region of northern Ethiopia. This chapter proved very interesting and is a useful update/commentary on the work of Amartya Sen and others on famine and aid in Ethiopia.
I found Chapter 6 to be the most relevant of the book, as it critiques poverty assessments and quantitative measures commonly employed by economists in development organizations and state organs to justify interventions in pastoralist lands. By a number of measures - cash income, access to health, improved water, education, etc., the pastoralist areas of Northeastern Province, Kenya, appear among the poorest regions of the country, and indeed, the continent. This assessment of poverty has been used by Kenya and by development NGOs and INGOs to legitimize interventions designed to provide nomadic pastoralists with alternative livelihoods, including the introduction of sedentary farming schemes and even the leasing of land to foreign investors pursuing agriculture projects. The study shows that in areas where pastoralists have been forced to give up mobility or pursue alternative livelihoods, they have benefited very little for the most part. More mobile communities are not only wealthier in terms of livestock and auto-consumption; they also have a better ability to weather drought that often kills off the majority of the livestock belonging to sedentary farmers. If any study in this book should be expanded, I think it ought to be this one. Little's study of six field sites gives a good glimpse at the trends, but it would be helpful to see a broader assessment, and possibly one that takes other countries into account.
The final case study in Chapter 7 has perhaps increased in relevance since Al-Shabaab's attack in Nairobi in 2013. Building on his previous work (which I recommend), "Somalia: Economy without State", Little examines how statelessness in Somalia actually allowed the country to achieve some of the neoliberal reform goals (in the economic sector) that eluded other African states in the 1990s. I have spent a bit of time with Somalis in Eastleigh, the main Somali neighborhood of Nairobi and one of the study sites, and find Little's analysis and brief history of the area very good. This case study provides more framework than some of the others, in the sense of delineating three sites of analysis and showing how they are interrelated. Quite a volume of work has been written on Somali transnationalism, particularly in America and the UK, but Little's study does a very good job of demonstrating the significance of transnational networks on the ground in Somalia and Kenya, and in multiple trade sectors (consumer goods, electronics, livestock trade, livestock raising). Of course, the chapter recognizes that Somalia's hyper-liberalized economy has not benefited everyone, and there have been horrific costs that have come with the lack of a central government. But this careful analysis of a community that has received so much negative international attention is a step ahead in the literature on Somali transnationalism and the potential for rebuilding the state in Somalia through international and local Somali engagement.
The bottom line: If you are interested in development in Africa, and particularly among nomadic populations and/or the Horn of Africa, I highly recommend this work. It is very readable and does a great job of blending micro-level analysis into a critique of macro-level approaches to development. The case studies bring economic theory to life and challenge notions of development in Africa.
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